The Prime Minister must explain why her party rejected comprehensive self-government before proposing a far narrower constitutional amendment.
Less than two years ago, the party now in Government rejected comprehensive constitutional reform designed to give Tobago meaningful self-government. Today, that same political leadership proposes a far narrower amendment guaranteeing Tobago two independent Senate appointments. Is this genuine progress towards self-government or another exercise in political gamesmanship?
Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar’s proposal is not inherently objectionable. Tobago deserves an appropriate voice in Parliament, and its legitimate aspirations should never become a casualty of political gamesmanship. But does it address the longstanding desire of Tobagonians to exercise greater authority over their affairs? I believe it falls considerably short.
In December 2024, the People’s National Movement (PNM) government sought parliamentary approval for comprehensive reforms developed through years of legislative examination and consultation. They went far beyond Senate appointments.
The legislation proposed a Tobago Legislature empowered to make laws on specified matters, with greater executive authority over administration and development. It offered greater financial autonomy: a minimum budgetary allocation, control over specified revenues, powers to borrow and invest subject to safeguards, and mechanisms for resolving disputes with the national government. Stronger Tobago representation on the Public Service and Teaching Service Commissions was also proposed.
These were substantive reforms addressing Tobago’s political, administrative and financial future. They recognised that meaningful autonomy involves not only a stronger voice in national institutions, but real power to make decisions affecting everyday life on the island.
Yet, the Opposition, led by Kamla Persad-Bissessar, withheld its support. On December 9, 2024, the amendment received 21 votes in favour and 16 against. Without the required three-fourths majority, it failed.
The Opposition argued that the proposals did not adequately address Tobago’s aspirations and required further consultation. Those concerns were entitled to consideration. But its rejection also prevented the reforms from proceeding, leaving the central question of Tobago self-government unresolved.
Now that the same political leader is prime minister, one would expect a comprehensive alternative addressing the deficiencies her party identified. Instead, Tobago is offered two guaranteed independent Senate appointments.
Surely Tobago deserves more.
Consider financial autonomy. The earlier legislation proposed a minimum allocation of 6.8 per cent of national parliamentary appropriations, with a mechanism for increases.
In the 2027 Budget, Tobago House of Assembly (THA) Chief Secretary Farley Augustine expressed disappointment at the THA’s direct allocation of approximately $2.756 billion, or 4.35 per cent of the national budget. The Minister of Finance identified additional central ministry expenditure, taking total Tobago-related spending to approximately $3.473 billion.
Applying the proposed 6.8 per cent minimum to the 2027 national budget produces an illustrative allocation of approximately $4.31 billion, about $1.55 billion above Tobago’s direct allocation.
That illustrates the scale of the financial reform rejected in Parliament. The comparison is illustrative, but the distinction between money spent by central ministries and funds placed directly under Tobago’s control is fundamental. That distinction goes to the heart of what genuine self-government should mean. Had the reforms passed, Tobago might today have enjoyed a substantially different financial and administrative relationship with the national Government. That opportunity was lost when the then Opposition, now the Government, withheld its support.
Two Senate appointments cannot substitute for comprehensive reform.
There is also an important constitutional principle. The president already has discretion to appoint Tobagonians to the independent bench. The amendment would guarantee two appointments where none is presently required. That is meaningful, but independent senators are not elected representatives of Tobago. Their responsibility is to exercise independent judgement on national issues.
If geographic representation is essential, why restrict the discussion to independent senators? Should Government and Opposition Senate appointments not also be examined within a broader constitutional review?
The timing matters. The Prime Minister recently criticised independent senators for scrutinising Government legislation. Any amendment affecting presidential appointment powers must protect the independence of this constitutional institution. A geographic qualification must not become a means of weakening the independent bench or turning its members into political delegates.
More fundamentally, how would two appointments increase Tobago’s control over its finances, legislation, administration or economic development?
I do not dismiss the merit of guaranteed appointments. I object to isolated constitutional changes while the central issue of self-government remains unresolved.
The Prime Minister should tell Parliament what comprehensive programme her Government proposes for Tobago. Which elements of the PNM’s legislation does she support? Which does she reject? What alternatives will she offer for financial autonomy, lawmaking power and administrative independence?
The PNM placed comprehensive legislation before Parliament. The Opposition rejected it. The Government must now explain what it intends to offer instead.
The Constitution is not a political plaything. Tobago’s future is too important for piecemeal reform.
Tobago needs meaningful self-government, not simply additional voices in the Senate.
Robert Le Hunte is a former executive director of Republic Bank Limited and the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB), former managing director of ANSA Bank, former Public Utilities ministers, and currently treasurer of the PNM.

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